New Testament Astral Portents

Christianity has had a complex relationship with astrology. On the one hand, astrology is seen as demonic due to its perceived association with what is often thought of as concomitants, i.e., polytheism, reincarnation, divination, etc. On the other hand, Christians throughout the history of the church have utilized astrology in one form or another. This article will attempt to offer a distinctly Christian understanding of astrology. Focusing primarily on the New Testament, the article will argue that a first century BCE–CE ‘astrological hermeneutic’ illumines two important texts. In conjunction with an ‘astrological hermeneutic’, the New Testament texts will have to be understood in the context of Greek and Jewish theology and astronomy.

The article has been personally challenging to write. At times, a cultural and academic bias emerged in the interpretation of the biblical texts. This, of course, is not an unusual occurrence when addressing an academic endeavor. Yet, when the biblical texts served a primary role in the interpretation, the meaning, as intended by the authors who were themselves located in the context, began to emerge in such a way as to be unfamiliar and exciting. The article was challenging in one other way as well. Getting into a literature of practitioners of other religions is not unfamiliar.1 Nevertheless, it is always shocking to read the language that some use to discuss other religions. For example, it is not unusual to encounter such comments as the following, ‘In place of these two oppressive accounts of our human situation [the monotheistic religions of Judaism, Christianity and Islam; and modern science], postmodern astrology proposes a privileged relationship between astrologer and client…’ (Willis and Curry 2004: 23; italics added). I would suggest that such discourse is inappropriate for the academy and I am hopeful that I have not made similar use of language in this article.

An opportunity to discuss theology in the context of astrology is welcome, however. Both disciplines have been marginalized by the academy; undoubtedly astrology more than theology. Nevertheless, there has been an intriguing relationship between the two. The article begins with a discussion of the tenacity of astrology in Western culture and will examine Christianity’s relationship with it by looking at some biblical texts and early Christian writings. Finally, the article concludes with reflections on the implications for all of this for Christianity and astrology.

Through philosophy, science and experience, human beings have struggled to find a meaningful existence. Many have come to the conclusion that life’s only definition is found within self; but the struggle to find self continues. The reemergence of religion in mainstream Western society is emblematic to this search for self. In such a society, astrology is finding its place. With the counterculture of the sixties to the New Age of the eighties and the revival of Pagan religions today, astrology is emerging as a spiritual discipline for those concerned for their future (Feher 1992: 88-93).

The diversity of religious beliefs is an indicator that religion continues to play an important role in the lives of people living in Western society. For instance, after analysis of the data in the International Social Survey Programme (ISSP) 1991, Andrew Greeley suggested that ‘the religion and the superstition survive and that indeed we may have a lot more in common with medieval peasants than we had thought’ (1993: 7). This is quite a contrast from what Keith Thomas wrote 20 years prior to Greeley, ‘Astrology, witchcraft, magical healing, divination, ancient prophecies, ghosts and fairies, are now rightly disdained by intelligent people’ (1971: ix). He added, ‘What is certain about the various beliefs discussed in this book is that today they have either disappeared or at least greatly decayed in prestige’ (Thomas 1971: 668). However, the data suggest otherwise.

In the case of Europe, Greeley asserted that religion continues to play an important role on the continent. At the same time, magic is increasing and growing in situations where religious faith is uncertain (Greeley 2003: 39-53). While Greeley provisionally agrees that the belief in magic as exemplified in the ISSP variables dealing with fortunetellers, astrology and good luck charms measures New Age attitudes, it is more likely that this continued fascination with what was once considered superstition is a result of the tenacity of pre-Christian European traditional religion.2 As an example, according to Emma Restall Orr, astrology fits well within the practices of contemporary Druidry (1998: 74). Therefore, the data on astrology could fit just as well with Paganism as it would with New Age.

Roy Willis and Patrick Curry have argued that contemporary ‘living astrology’, is ‘a meeting of contemporary postmodernism and ancient paganism’ (2004: 23). For them, astrology is one manner in which individuals are able to make sense out of their circumstances. Astrology then is best understood as a dialogue with the divine utilizing divinatory techniques. Arguing for astrology’s contemporary relevance for today, they assert,

The ‘religion’ of that immensely long prehistoric epoch did not feature a remote, authoritarian deity analogous to the father-gods of patriarchy. It takes no ‘act of submission’ or ‘leap of faith’ to sense the solid, sustaining earth beneath our feet, nor do we have to absorb a complex theology to breathe the ambient, life-giving air: these things happen naturally and instinctively. We are in the Goddess and She is in us (2004: 21).

The relationship of self to the heavens was an issue discussed by the second-century astronomer/astrologer Claudius Ptolemy. Ptolemy is thought to have utilized second-century BCE documents as his source for his famous Tetrabiblos. While some scholars dispute the authorship of the book, he wrote, ‘the cause of both universal and of particular events is the motion of the planets, sun, and moon; and the prognostic art is the scientific observation of precisely the change in the subject natures which correspond to parallel movements of the heavenly bodies through the surrounding heavens’ (Tetrabiblos 3.1). There is a notable difference in the two understandings of astrology. While Ptolemy seemed to approach astrology as a science, Willis and Curry seem to consider it as a religious practice involving relationships with planetary deities.

Ptolemy’s approach is interesting considering that astrology is increasingly considered in dialogue with science. An example of this movement in the academy was a June 2003 conference at Bath Spa University College in England entitled, ‘Astrology and the Academy: The Inaugural Conference of the Sophia Centre’. The purpose of the conference was to celebrate ‘the return of the critical study of astrology’s place in the world to the university environment, placed within the context of humanity’s perennial use of the sky for religious, artistic, literary, mythological and scientific purposes’.3 The speakers were academics in various fields from the United Kingdom, United States, Poland, Finland, Brazil, Spain, and France. This movement toward a scientific approach to astrology is not surprising in light of the data collected in 1993 from the International Social Survey Programme (ISSP) Environment I.

While many in the academy have welcomed such an openness to the discipline, others have been shocked. For example, Dylan Evans, from a university down the road from where the conference was held, made reference to the Sophia Project when he wrote, ‘I was appalled when I read a report in Nature last year about proposals by the Indian government to encourage universities to teach astrology, but never thought that anything similar might occur in the West. It now seems that I was wrong’ (2002: 359).

In spite of such objections to astrology, the belief in its efficacy has continued in Western society. A 1990 Gallup study suggested that 25 percent of the general population in the United States believed in astrology.5 This number has remained relatively consistent. In another study, Gallup showed that beliefs in the psychic and paranormal increased from 1990 to 2001. In the case of astrology, 28 percent of respondents believed it affected people’s lives (Newport and Strausberg 2001).6 A 2005 survey conducted by Gallup indicated a slight decline to 25 percent (Moore 2005).7 Despite the modest decline in the belief of astrology, 75 percent of the US population believes in the ‘paranormal’.8

It also appears that Christians believe in astrology as commonly as non-Christians. The data collected for ISSP 1991 and 1998, for example, is suggestive. Environment I (1991), whose sample size is significant for Western society, suggested that a significant percentage of self-identified Christians believe in the scientific nature of astrology (Table 2). Similarly, Religion II (1998) indicated that a high percentage of those who believe the Bible is either inspired by or the actual word of God also believe that the horoscope can affect one’s future (Table 3).

There is a mixed sentiment that is apparent in Christianity’s relationship with astrology. Historically, however, Christianity has not always responded favorably to astrology.

Astrology in late antiquity was a well-respected discipline. Many point out astrology’s connection to astronomy, geometry, and mathematics as well as other hard sciences. Later, astrology would boast of such adherents as Isaac Newton and Johannes Kepler. However, when the question of astrology and Christianity arises, theologians are quick to argue that Christianity abhorred such practice and condemned it as a work of the devil. Kocku von Stuckrad noted that there are three prevailing biases when it comes to monotheistic religions and astrology. First, adherence to astrology necessarily leads to polytheism. The planets have long been associated with the pantheon of Greek and Roman gods. Second, adherence to astrology necessarily leads to the worship of the planets, or what has been called planetolatry. Finally, adherence to astrology is closely tied to fatalism (von Stuckrad 2000: 2-3). These concerns are expressed by a second-century CE Christian named Tertullian. In On Idolatry he wrote of astrological practices, ‘He cannot hope for the kingdom of the heavens, whose finger or wand abuses the heaven’ (On Idolatry IX).

Ronald Hutton posits that the Western church fathers left the question of celestial deities open. Citing Augustine during a 2003 conference presentation, Hutton suggested that Augustine’s lack of explanation of the planets in effect allowed for the possibility of their recognition as deities.11 However, Augustine, who was no stranger to astrology, clearly had an aversion to it. In the City of God he noted,

But that all things come to pass by fate, we do not say; nay we affirm that nothing comes to pass by fate; for we demonstrate that the name of fate, as it is wont to be used by those who speak of fate, meaning thereby the position of the stars at the time of each one’s conception or birth, is an unmeaning word, for astrology itself is a delusion (City of God V.2.).

Augustine would utilize the argument against astrology that was initially used by the second-century BCE Roman orator Marcus Cicero. In the case of twins born under the same sign with the same astral portents, one would assume that their destinies would be the same. Augustine would argue that the twins, Jacob (later Israel) and Esau (Gen. 25.19-34) are proof that astrology cannot be used for predictive purposes. Writing in the third century, before Augustine, Hippolytus stated,

But since, estimating the astrological art as a powerful one, and availing themselves of the testimonies adduced by its patrons, they wish to gain reliance for their own attempted conclusions, we shall at present, as it has seemed expedient, prove the astrological art to be untenable, as our intention next is to invalidate also the Peratic system, as a branch growing out of an unstable root (The Refutation of All Heresies IV.2.).12

Basil commented as well on practitioners of astrology, ‘You who are sound in yourselves have no need to hear more, and time does not allow us to make attacks without limit against these unhappy men’ (Homily VI.7). Origen (mid-second century) would write, ‘Moreover, no one who obeys the law of Moses will bow down to the angels who are in heaven; and in like manner, as they do not bow down to sun, moon, and stars the host of heaven…’ (Letter to Gregory VI). While the early church had a clear aversion to astrology, it had a high regard for astronomy. Commenting on the astronomical interests of the early Christian writers, Daniel Stramara noted, ‘The perils associated with astrology were not reason enough to preclude a healthy espousing of astronomy’ (Stramara 2002: 153).

Despite the early church’s aversion, Christians, both lay and clergy, continued astrological practices. In the case of early Christian encounter with the traditional religion of the British Isle, the Druids passed on astrology to the Christian literati. For instance, the Irish missionary monk Colmcille, who established his first monastery at Derry would ultimately establish some 300 churches in Ireland. After being exiled from Ireland in 563, Colmcille, with twelve disciples, established a second monastery off the coast of Scotland on the island Iona. It was he who once claimed, ‘Christ is my Druid’, and consulted the stars to determine the appropriate time for his foster son to begin his education (Ellis 1994: 243).

With the rediscovery of Greek science translated from Arabic during the Middle Ages, astrology again sparked an interest among Christians. Raymond of Marseilles was one scholar who benefited from the Arab scientific works. In 1141 he wrote Liber cursuum Planetarum in which he attempted to set out the planetary movements in relationship to Marseilles. What makes Raymond of interest was his rationale in doing such a project. Charles Clark noted that Raymond knew that he would be challenged and so to avert such a challenge he mounted a defense. For Raymond, astrology was to be understood in the context of God’s sovereignty. Nothing in the heavens took place without the knowledge of God (Clark 2001: 93-94).

According to Hutton, by 1320 Western intellectuals considered the planets as deities controlled by God. There was the belief that Christians could legitimately use the planets to gain understanding for their future (Hutton 2003). By the Protestant reformation, several prominent individuals were known to practice astrology; two are of particular interest: Philip Melanchthon and Johannes Kepler. In the case of Melanchthon, a friend and colleague of sixteenth-century reformer Martin Luther, interest in astrology was in relationship to medicine while rejecting astrology’s fatalism. Kepler, well known for his theories of planetary motion, would attempt to harmonize astrology and theology (Montgomery 1963: 256-57). The relationship between Christianity and astrology has always been tenuous. While on the one hand there is outright refutation of astrology, there seems also to be acceptance. The rejection of astrology is generally focused on the tendency toward planetolatry, the replacement of the worship of God with the worship of the planets.

The Bible has much to say about the heavens. From the first of the 66 books that comprise the Bible to the last, the stars and planets, as well as the Sun and Moon, factor prominently among God’s creation. The Old Testament for example marks occasions when God speaks about the zodiac (Job 38.32; 2 Kgs 23.5) and especially the constellations of Pleiades, the Great Bear and Orion (Job 9.9; 38.31; Amos 5.8). At creation we are told that the stars were given as signs, ‘And let them be for signs and for seasons, and for days and years’ (Gen. 1.14). The Psalmist would write about the creation saying, ‘The heavens declare the glory of God and the sky above proclaims his handiwork’ (Ps. 19.1). The Apostle Paul expanded on this theme in the New Testament when he asserts that the heavens declare the good news of Jesus Christ (Rom. 10.19).13

Some have maintained that the Bible actually contains astrological predictions. For example, Jewish astrologers believed that a conjunction of Venus and Jupiter in the constellation of Leo would refer to the Jews. The Hebrew Bible/Old Testament book of Genesis states, for example,

Judah is a lion’s cub; from the prey, my son, you have gone up. He stooped down; he crouched as a lion and as a lioness; who dares rouse him? The scepter shall not depart from Judah nor the ruler’s staff from between his feet, until tribute comes to him and to him shall be the obedience of the peoples (Gen. 49.9-10).

Balaam’s prophecy of the star of Jacob is often looked upon with fascination. Balaam, a practitioner of divination as Joshua stated (Josh. 13.22), was called upon by King Balak of Moab to curse Israel who stood at the border poised to take the land. The book of Deuteronomy stated that God caused Balaam to bless Israel. In his final oracle of blessing he said, ‘I see him, but not now; I behold him, but not near; a star shall come out of Jacob, and a scepter shall rise out of Israel…’ (Num. 24.17). Balaam’s star has been equated with the star of Bethlehem (Mt. 2.1-10) as well as with the second-century CE Jewish revolt leader Simon Bar Kocheba (lit. ‘son of a star’).

While there was an admiration for the heavens there were also warnings regarding its worship. The famous Shema of Deut. 6.4 sets this in context, ‘Hear, O Israel: The Lord our God, the Lord is one’. In spite of an explicit command to worship YHWH alone, Israel strayed from time to time and worshipped him based on their conception of god or that of other religious practitioners rather than on YHWH’s self-disclosure to them. The warnings were clear,

And beware lest you raise your eyes to heaven, and when you see the sun and the moon and the stars, all the host of heaven, you be drawn away and bow down to them and serve them, things that the Lord your God has allotted to all the peoples under the whole heaven (Deut. 4.19).

Manasseh is one example of a Jewish king who worshipped other gods against the commands of YHWH. The chronicler(s) of Israel’s ancient history wrote that he restored what his father Hezekiah had destroyed; namely, the altars of Baal, the god of thunder and lightning. The altars would be erected in the ‘house of the Lord’ in Jerusalem. Manasseh, the text states, built altars ‘for all the host of heaven in the two courts of the house of the Lord. And he burned his sons as an offering in the Valley of the Son of Hinnom, and used fortune-telling and omens and sorcery, and dealt with mediums and with wizards. He did much evil in the sight of the Lord, provoking him to anger’ (2 Chron. 33.5-6). Under King Josiah’s reign these altars for worship would once again be broken down.

Israel was warned against and punished for worshipping the heavens. God clearly was jealous for Israel and went to extremes to show them his love. He would say through the prophet Isaiah, ‘“To whom then will you compare me, that I should be like him?” says the Holy One. “Lift up your eyes on high and see: who created these? He who brings out their host by number, calling them all by name, by the greatness of his might, and because he is strong in power not one is missing”’ (Isa. 40.26). By the time of the writing of the New Testament, Jewish astrology would, nonetheless, become increasingly sophisticated (Edersheim 1886: 208-10).

While there are several allusions to astral portents in the biblical text, none quite compare with those surrounding the birth of Jesus Christ. If these astral portents represent biblical affirmation of astrology, then the natural question which emerges is the authenticity of the Gospel accounts. Dating of the New Testament is one of the more interesting aspects of Christianity. The issues which surround a particular system of dating will inevitably lead one to a particular set of presuppositions. These presuppositions will in turn influence the formation of a theology. As such, the dating of the New Testament, and particularly of the synoptic gospels,14 can reinforce or refute a particular theological view. Ultimately, the question is whether what was reported in the documents actually took place (as in the journey of the Magi), or if what was written legitimizes a particular religious expression. Arbitrating this issue is beyond the present purpose.15

Dating the Nativity is a difficult task for no clear date is given in the New Testament. Certain historical events recorded in Luke and Matthew’s gospels, nevertheless, help in establishing a range for the possible date of the birth of Jesus Christ. If a range for the date can be established, then astronomical portents might help to be more precise. Luke gives three important references to datable events. First, the birth of Jesus occurred during the reign of Caesar Augustus. His reign can be clearly dated between 15 March 44 BCE to 19 August 14 CE (Lk. 2.1). However, these dates are much too broad to be of much help. Second, Luke agrees with Matthew that the events took place ‘in the days of Herod the king’ (Lk. 1.5). Like Caesar, the end of Herod’s reign can be pinpointed fairly accurately to 4 BCE. The Jewish historian Flavius Josephus relates that the very night of Herod’s death there was an eclipse of the Moon; the only eclipse recorded by Josephus (Ant. 17.6.4). This eclipse of the Moon was in Virgo and can be dated at 12–13 March 4 BCE.

Third, Luke stated that the birth occurred during the time of a census. It was such a census that demanded Joseph’s trip to Bethlehem from Nazareth along with Mary who was pregnant with Christ. Both were of the household of David and both needed to return to the city of David as the census required. The text specifically refers to a census around the time of Quirinius’ governorship of Syria. Dating such a census has become problematic for pinpointing the birth event. There are two possible dates for the time of Quirinius’ governorship: 6–7 CE and 4–1 BCE. However, the text can be literally translated as, ‘before (prote egeneto) the governorship of Quirinius’. If this is the proper translation there still must be evidence to corroborate it. A number of such instances from Egypt indicate that Roman censuses took place every fourteen years. Knowing that Quirinius was governor in 6–7 CE and a census most certainly took place at that time, a prior census must have occurred in 8–7 BCE. Leon Morris noted, ‘Certain inscriptions show that between 10 and 7 BC Quirinius performed military functions in the Roman province of Syria’ (1997: 91). As such, Luke’s account can be understood as a census before Quirinius’ governorship, but during his military duties in Syria between 8–7 BCE.

All of these factors point to a birth sometime around 7 BCE but no later than 4 BCE. If then an astral portent were observed it would have had to be during that time frame. Luke’s account again helps in narrowing the time period by stating, ‘And in the same region there were shepherds out in the field, keeping watch over their flock by night’ (2.8). Rabbinic law suggests that such flocks could be used for temple sacrifice and perhaps might indicate a birth near the time of Passover. It was also common for flocks to be kept outside between April and November when the weather permitted. However, as Marshall pointed out, it should not rule out a mid-winter date for nothing in the text explicitly indicates a time of year (1978: 108).

The early church did, nevertheless, suggest dates. For instance, a third-century testimony by Hippolytus gave a mid-winter date of 25 December, and in the fourth century St. Chrysostom confirmed the date. Nevertheless, there are interesting issues with such a date as it corresponded to Sol Invictus, established by Emperor Aurelian in the early third century, as well as to the mystery religion of Mithras. Early Christian practices attempted to appropriate important Pagan holidays in order to bridge the two religious cultures. One second-century Christian writer, though, suggested a spring date. Clement of Alexandria (ca. 170 CE) stated, ‘And there are those who have determined not only the year of our Lord’s birth, but also the day; and they say that it took place in the twenty-eighth year of Augustus, and in the twenty-fifth day of Pachon’ (Stromata 1.21). This date corresponds with 20, 21 April in the Gregorian calendar.

The New Testament evidence suggests the narrowing of the possible range of dates for the birth of Christ to spring of 7–6 BCE. With such a timeframe in mind, astronomers, astrologers, and, in the case of the author, theologians can begin to search for particular astronomical events that would be suggestive for the birth of Christ. There are two significant astral portents recorded in the New Testament: the star observed by the Magi (Mt. 2.1-10) and the heavenly host observed by the shepherds (Lk. 2.10-16). I want to suggest here a possible interpretation of the astronomical events surrounding the birth of Christ. In so doing, it is significant to understand that astrology was prevalent in Palestine at the time of the Nativity. As Alexander Toepel has noted, Jews were well acquainted with Greek astrology during the Second Temple period (2005: 231). Therefore, there is reason to suggest that the first Christians were also aware of Greek astrology. As such, a reading of the Nativity through a first-century astrological perspective is possible. Indeed, some first- and second-century Christian writings demonstrated an active astrological knowledge. However, as von Stuckrad has noted, any academic examination of astrology and Christianity looks in vain for a consensus (2000: 8).

Only Matthew records the visit of the Magi (magoi) who were considered wise men from the East. Their identity remains a mystery, but it is certain that the wise men had a keen sense of the stars. Some have suggested that they were Zoroastrian priests while others have suggested they were Chaldeans. The word magos itself is only used six times in the New Testament, four of which are in Matthew’s Nativity account. The other two occasions, found in Luke’s second volume (Acts of the Apostles), are in reference to a Jewish ‘false prophet’ who was most likely a part of the court of the proconsul Sergius Paulus. Elymas, the ‘wise man’ (magos) opposed Paul and Barnabas as they were discussing the word of God with the proconsul. Sergius Paulus was obviously engaged in the subject matter, and Paul, annoyed with Elymas’ attempt to turn the proconsul away from faith, stated, ‘And now, behold, the hand of the Lord is upon you, and you will be blind and unable to see the sun for a time’ (Acts 13.11). More than likely, Elymas was a Jewish astrologer serving in the court of the proconsul.16

Whoever the Magi are, it is clear that they knew astronomy and they utilized their knowledge in an astrological manner. Matthew recorded the events as such:

Now after Jesus was born in Bethlehem of Judea in the days of Herod the king, behold, wise men from the east came to Jerusalem, saying, ‘Where is he who has been born king of the Jews? For we saw his star when it rose and have come to worship him’. When Herod the king heard this, he was troubled, and all Jerusalem with him; and assembling all the chief priests and scribes of the people, he inquired of them where the Christ was to be born (2.1-4).

After listening to the king, they went on their way. And behold, the star that they had seen when it rose went before them until it came to rest over the place where the child was. When they saw the star they rejoiced exceedingly with great joy (2.9-10).

In Greek, star (aster) has three possible translations: star, planet or morning star. Many suggestions for the star have been offered, ranging from the comet Haley to an eclipse of the moon. Whatever the star was, it was significant enough for the Magi to travel from the East to Jerusalem. Michael Molnar (1999) suggested that the star was an aspect of a massing of planets in the constellation Aries. While a massing of planets is astronomically spectacular and astrologically meaningful, it does not seem to fit with this text. Matthew is clear, the Magi saw a ‘star’, not a massing of ‘stars’. This would not necessarily mean that they did not know of a massing of planets in Aries. Certainly as trained astrologers they did, and certainly they understood a massing of planets as a portent to the birth of the King in Judah. Nevertheless, it was a star that compelled them to travel to Palestine.

Mark Kidger suggested that the star was a nova recorded by the Chinese and Koreans, but most certainly observed by the Magi. The Chinese astronomical record records a bright object, visible for nearly three months, as having appeared in the east in mid-March 5 BCE. Interestingly enough, it was the Soviet scientist, B.V. Kukarin, who initially suggested that the Chinese record was that of the star. However, his conclusion was that the Chinese had observed Venus. Venus, the planet associated with the mother of the gods in the Babylonian pantheon, would have been too common of an occurrence to have been the star. The bright object the Chinese observed, now known to have been a nova, fits the criterion of being a single astronomical event as Matthew’s account records. The time it would take for the Magi to travel from Babylon to Jerusalem was nearly two months (ca. 550 miles). This indicates that the star had to have been in the sky for at least this amount of time if not more. If such is the case, a short-lived phenomena, such as a comet or meteor shower, must be ruled out. Thus, the Chinese observation of the nova might fit the scenario painted by Matthew. Kidger commented,

The most interesting aspect of this scenario is that the Star, which was in the east when first seen, would no longer be in the east upon their arrival. Every two weeks the Star would have risen an hour earlier until, two months later, it would have been almost exactly in the south at dawn. When the Magi set out for Bethlehem, they would have seen the Star before them in the south at dawn (1999: 262).

The detail given in Matthew’s account sufficiently demonstrates that the observation of the Magi was an astronomical event consistent with the movement of the heavens. The Magi stated that they had seen the star rising in the east. As David Hughes (1976) noted, this would refer to a heliacal rising of the star (as cited in Kidger 1999: 26).17 Its movement across the sky from east to ultimately southwest is also consistent with being an astronomical event. Molnar offers a possible translation of Mt. 2.9-10 from an astrological point of view: ‘And behold the planet which they had seen at its heliacal rising went retrograde and became stationary above in the sky (which showed) where the child was’ (1999: 96).

Luke also might be read from an astrologer’s perspective and alludes to astronomical events related to the birth of Christ. After an angelic announcement of the birth of Christ to shepherds tending their flocks, he wrote, ‘And suddenly there was with the angel a multitude of the heavenly host praising God and saying, “Glory to God in the highest and on earth peace among those with whom he is pleased”’ (Lk. 2.13-14). Luke’s heavenly host is often thought to refer to other angels that joined with the angel who announced the birth to the shepherds. Heavenly host is a Lukan hapax legomenon, meaning that only Luke uses the phrase in the New Testament (and it is only used twice). In Lk. 2.13 the phrase is rendered stratias ouraniou, literally an army from/of heaven. The phrase appears a second time in Acts 7.42. The Acts of the Apostles makes up the second volume of Luke’s historical account of the ministry of Christ and his disciples.18 In chapter seven, he related the testimony of Stephen, a Jewish Christian, before he is stoned to death by the Jewish religious leaders. He wrote, ‘But God turned away and gave them over to worship the host of heaven’ (Acts 7.42). The host of heaven, te stratia tou ouraniou, has an obvious interpretation of the stars and planets. This understanding corresponds with the Gentile focus of both Luke and Acts; Luke is writing to a Roman official, Theophilus, who certainly understood astrological language in the texts. Similarly, this understanding corresponds with what other biblical literature offers as the meaning of the phrase (2 Chron. 33.3, 5; Neh. 9.6; Jer. 8.2; 19.13; Zeph. 1.5). As has been mentioned, 2 Chron. 33.3, 5 records that Manasseh worshipped the host of heaven and built two altars for the practice in the Temple.

Ignatius (30–107 CE), a contemporary of Luke and from the same city, wrote in his so-called Star Hymn a testimony to this early understanding,

A star shone forth in heaven above all the other stars, the light of which was inexpressible, while its novelty struck men with astonishment. And all the rest of the stars, with the sun and moon, formed a chorus to this star, and its light was exceedingly great above them all (Letter to the Ephesians XIX).

Ignatius’ account is significant. Writing to Christians in the city of Ephesus, Ignatius made an early reference to both Matthew’s and Luke’s nativity accounts with an obvious allusion to a planetary massing, ‘all the rest of the stars, with the sun and moon…’ What is more, Ignatius was a bishop in the church at Antioch, the city from where Matthew was believed to have been written. There is also a tradition that places Antioch as the home city of Luke. It then is reasonable to assert that Ignatius had first-hand knowledge of Luke and Matthew, if not their sources for the Nativity.

The objection might be made that the heavenly host was in fact angels. After all, ‘Angels we have heard on high’ is one of the standard Christmas carols. Luke 2.15 says, ‘When the angels (oi angeloi) went away from them into heaven, the shepherds said to one another, “Let us go over to Bethlehem and see this thing that has happened, which the Lord has made known to us”’. The phrase, ‘the angels’, can be understood in two ways. First, oi angeloi is the plural of angelos which can be rendered as messenger. For example, Lk. 7.24 stated, ‘When John’s messengers (ton angelon) had gone, Jesus began to speak to the crowds concerning John: “What did you go out into the wilderness to see? A reed shaken by the wind?”’ ‘Messengers’, in this case, is the plural genitive of angelos. Angelos is translated as messenger not only in Luke 7 but also Lk. 9.52. Second, oi angeloi could literally be angels. Augustine and Basil understand the account as such.19 This, however, would seem unusual since Luke does not explicitly mention a multitude of angels and only refers to one angel who made the announcement. However, the second understanding fits appropriately with Luke’s heavenly host. If the interpretive word for the passage is angel rather than messenger, it is important to understand that ancient literature connects angelic beings with the planets (Toepel 2005: 231-38). Commenting on a Qumran fragment (4Q405) of the Songs of the Sabbath Sacrifice, von Stuckrad stated, ‘In line 12 of this fragment the angels’ ‘turning of their paths’ are mentioned, ‘when they rise, they rise in a wonderful way’. This probably refers to the planets’ turning points that were of prominent importance for Babylonian astronomical calculations’ (von Stuckrad 2000: 12). This understanding, then, would be consistent with the observations and understanding of Luke’s shepherds.

Molnar suggested that a significant astronomical event would have been an occultation of the planet Jupiter by the Moon in the constellation of Aries. According to Ptolemy, Aries had long been associated with Judea.20 These particular astral portents would seem to fit with Luke’s account of the heavenly host, but they do not seem as spectacular as the text suggests since they occur at Jupiter’s heliacal rising. Without a doubt, astrologers would have been aware of the sky, even during the daylight hours, but the shepherds would not necessarily. Nevertheless, two such occultations occurred in the time-frame of the Nativity; first on 20 March, then again on 17 April 6 or 5 BCE. According to Molnar, of the two occultations, the 17 April 6 BCE occultation, while the Sun was exalted in Aries along with Jupiter, pointed to the birth of a king in Judea. In and of itself, this sign would not necessarily be significant. Molnar notes that not only were Jupiter and the Sun in Aries, but also Saturn and the Moon. It is worth noting that Venus was in Pisces and Mars and Mercury were in Taurus. This massing of the heavenly host, according to Molnar,

blatantly point to a regal birth. Moreover, given that these extraordinary astrological conditions happened when people were hoping for freedom from tyranny and salvation from pagan intrusions, it is evident that the sky on April 17, 6 BC would have been thought to signal not just the birth of a Judean king but the anticipated birth of the Messiah (1999: 101).

Molnar argued that such an astral portent occurring at this time had more regal significance than the births of Hadrian or Caesar Augustus (1999: 99). However, such a massing would have been spectacular to the shepherds only if it were in a darkened sky. Luke states that the shepherds were in their fields sometime between sunset and sunrise (noctos). Molnar asserted that before sunrise on 17 April the astronomical conditions of the sky were equally suggestive of a regal birth. He supports the significance of portents pointing to a nocturnal birth by quoting from Vettius Valens’ description of royal births. Valens, a late contemporary of Ptolemy from Antioch, wrote, ‘When the Moon [is present in the Ascendant and] if the star of Kronos [Saturn] should also be present, he [the native] will lead many countries. If the star of Zeus [Jupiter] should also be present…, they will become great kings’ (Anthology 2.4, as cited in Molnar 1999: 100).

The heavens have always played an important role in the Christian understanding of creation and of God. As the Psalmist declares, ‘O Lord, our Lord, how majestic is your name in all the earth! You have set your glory above the heavens’ (Ps. 8.1). Christians generally believe that this self-disclosure in the heavens was uniquely manifested at the birth of Jesus Christ. As I have suggested, the explicit manifestation of the heavenly host (planetary massing occurring 17 April 6–5 BCE) and the star of Bethlehem (either a nova or Jupiter) point to the birth of Christ. As a result, Christians might draw the following implications in relationship to astrology. First, God used astrology to guide people to himself. Both the Magi and the shepherds came to the birthplace of Christ to worship the one who the heavens had announced to them. In spite of the spectacular portents, nothing overshadowed their worship of the Christ child. Second, God’s astrological guidance is incomplete without his prophetic self-revelation. This self-revelation in the New Testament documents forms a framework in which the Christian understood astrology. While Matthew and Luke accurately related the events of the sky, they understood them in the context of God’s handiwork. These two implications by no means indicate the legitimacy of the early church’s aversion to astrology; namely, that after the heavenly portents announcing Christ’s birth all astrological predications ceased. Astrology as understood at that time is the astrology that can be understood at this time. The New Testament states that there will continue to be signs in the heavens which will indicate future events.21

A third implication that might be drawn is that God demonstrated his desire to have contact with people through his self-disclosure in the heavens. Understanding that the Hebrew Bible/Old Testament strictly forbade the use of astrology for fear that it would lead to the worship of the heavens rather than the worship of God, the New Testament puts the heavens in perspective: God reveals himself in the heavens. This is not unique to astrology but is also found in philosophy. The apostle Paul, for example, saw God’s self-revelation in Stoic philosophy (Acts 17.22-34). In his speech at the Areopagus in Athens, Paul quotes from Aratus’ Phaimomena. What was written in terms of Zeus, albeit not the Zeus of Hesiod or Homer, Paul saw as a sentiment and perception tilting toward monotheism. Finally, the astrology seen in the New Testament points to Jesus Christ as an historical figure who was born in Bethlehem and was recognized as the King of Judea by those who represented a religious expression different from Judaism and what later emerged as Christianity.

What occurred at the birth of Christ was so spectacular that Kidger asserted, ‘we find a series of events so unique that they can happen together only once in every several thousand years’ (Kidger 1999: 265). Molnar as well would conclude, ‘it is evident that the sky on April 17, 6 BC would have been thought to signal not just the birth of a Judean king but the anticipated birth of the Messiah’ (1999: 101).

In these pages I have argued that astrology had a role in the history of Christianity. In particular, astrology is important as an interpretive tool for understanding the birth of Christ. While Christianity has had a complex relationship with astrology, Christians especially should reconsider their attitudes toward astrology in the light of this history. There remain many other astrological references in the New Testament that should be explored. Nevertheless, the hope is that as astrology is making its way into the academy so theology might accompany it as they both search for a meaningful existence.